In this paper, we analyze accusative clitic doubling constructions in dialectal non-standard Brazilian Portuguese. Within the Minimalism Framework, we explain very peculiar aspects of the doubled structures in this language, namely the fact that they occur only for 1st and 2nd person pronouns and that they co-vary with single clitic structures and single strong pronoun structures. Our approach assumes that the clitics me and te are hosted by a dedicated functional projection and result from the checking of the sole person feature [speaker: +/-]. Moreover, we show that, unlikely other cross-linguistic phenomena of pronominal doubling, Brazilian Portuguese Clitic Doubling neither yields ( nor is a result of) any interpretive effect, but rather is an instance of a pure agreement chain. This leads us to advocate both contra the standard Minimalist Program, and for the validity of the conceptual postulation of AgrP, as a condition on well-formedness of certain structures.
