The Role of Context in Processing Chinese Three-Character Verb-Object Metaphors: An Event-Related Potential Study

被引:3
作者
Wang, Xiaolu [1 ,2 ,3 ]
Zheng, Wei [1 ]
Zhao, Lingxuan [1 ]
Liu, Yuqiu [1 ]
Huang, Binyao [1 ]
Zhang, John X. [4 ]
机构
[1] Zhejiang Univ, Sch Int Studies, Hangzhou 310058, Zhejiang, Peoples R China
[2] Zhejiang Univ, Ningbo Inst Technol, Sch Foreign Language Studies, Ningbo, Zhejiang, Peoples R China
[3] Western Sydney Univ, Sch Humanities & Commun Arts, Sydney, NSW, Australia
[4] Fudan Univ, Dept Psychol, Shanghai 200433, Peoples R China
关键词
Contextual effect; Chinese three-character verb-object metaphor; N400; P240; event-related potential; LEXICAL AMBIGUITY; TIME-COURSE; COMPREHENSION; LANGUAGE; INTEGRATION; RESOLUTION; SAID;
D O I
10.1177/0033294118779929
中图分类号
B84 [心理学];
学科分类号
04 ; 0402 ;
摘要
Whether and how context plays a role in metaphor processing remains a controversial issue. One major theory on metaphor comprehension, the graded salience hypothesis (GSH) model, emphasizes salience as the key factor determining the precedence of semantic access. Using event-related potential technique, the present study examined Chinese metaphors to investigate whether the salient meaning is always processed first regardless of context. The experiment employed a Prime-Target-Probe paradigm. Three-character Chinese verb-object metaphors were used as the Target proceeded by one of the three contexts (the Prime): (1) metaphorical context priming the Target's metaphorical meaning, (2) literal context priming the Target's literal meaning, and (3) irrelevant context as the control condition. The Target was then followed by the Probe, which was always related to the Target (except in the filler condition). Forty participants were asked to judge whether the Target and the following Probe were semantically related. The N400 elicited by the Target showed no contextual effect. The N400 amplitude elicited by the Probe was smaller in the metaphorical priming condition compared with the literal priming condition, while the N400 in the irrelevant control condition was between the other two conditions, demonstrating a clear context effect. In addition, an unexpected P240 component also showed the similar graded pattern. Our results mostly support the GSH model, indicating that the salient meaning invariantly gets activated first before the activation of the nonsalient meaning at the lexical access stage. However, context does play a role in a parallel way either facilitating or suppressing this interpretation in the latter meaning integration stage.
引用
收藏
页码:1327 / 1348
页数:22
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