From choice to counter-expectation: Semantic pragmatic connections of the Korean disjunctive, concessive, and scalar focus Particle -na

被引:6
作者
Kim, Minju [1 ]
机构
[1] Claremont Mckenna Coll, Korean, Claremont, CA 91711 USA
关键词
Disjunctive; Concessive; Free-choice; Focus particle; Counter-expectation;
D O I
10.1016/j.pragma.2014.12.012
中图分类号
H0 [语言学];
学科分类号
030303 ; 0501 ; 050102 ;
摘要
This study proposes semantic pragmatic connections from Choice (disjunctive "or"; two given choices) to Free-choice ("regardless", "whatever"; regardless of choices), and then to Counter-expectation (scalarfocus particle "even" and concessive "even though"; beyond expectation), drawing on the case of Korean -na, on additional evidence from Hausa and Korean, and on Konig's studies on the emergence of concessive markers (1985, 1986, 1988, 1991a). Starting with 5th century pre-alphabet texts, the study uses diachronic corpus data to investigate the history of Korean -na. The versatile -na expresses nine functions (mostly markers of choice, free-choice, and counter-expectation) including two opposite scalar focus particles, additive "as many as" and restrictive "just". The study proposes that after starting out as a disjunctive with NPs in the 8th century, -na subsequently became disjunctive with VPs and then engendered "even" in the nominal and "even though" in the verbal domain through the mediation of "free-choice". The study presents an integrated analysis of the historical development of these seemingly remote nine functions of -na, and on that basis, demonstrates the importance of pragmatic inference and local context in the emergence of new polysemies. (C) 2015 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
引用
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页码:1 / 21
页数:21
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