Where do illusory vowels come from?

被引:69
作者
Dupoux, Emmanuel [1 ,2 ,3 ]
Parlato, Erika [4 ]
Frota, Sonia [5 ]
Hirose, Yuki [6 ]
Peperkamp, Sharon [2 ,3 ]
机构
[1] Ecole Hautes Etud Sci Sociales, Lab Sci Cognit, F-75005 Paris, France
[2] Ecole Normale Super, Dept Etud Cognit, Paris, France
[3] CNRS, Lab Sci Cognit & Psycholinguist, F-75700 Paris, France
[4] Univ Fed Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, MG, Brazil
[5] Univ Lisbon, Dept Linguist, Lisbon, Portugal
[6] Univ Tokyo, Dept Language & Informat Sci, Tokyo 1138654, Japan
关键词
Speech perception; Perceptual epenthesis; Context effects; Phonotactic constraints; Coarticulation; CONNECTIONIST MODEL; CONSONANT CLUSTERS; SPEECH-PERCEPTION; LANGUAGE; CONSTRAINTS; UNIVERSALS; KNOWLEDGE; SHORTLIST;
D O I
10.1016/j.jml.2010.12.004
中图分类号
H0 [语言学];
学科分类号
030303 ; 0501 ; 050102 ;
摘要
Listeners of various languages tend to perceive an illusory vowel inside consonant clusters that are illegal in their native language. Here, we test whether this phenomenon arises after phoneme categorization or rather interacts with it. We assess the perception of illegal consonant clusters in native speakers of Japanese, Brazilian Portuguese, and European Portuguese, three languages that have similar phonological properties, but that differ with respect to both segmental categories and segmental transition probabilities. We manipulate the coarticulatory information present in the consonant clusters, and use a forced choice vowel labeling task (Experiment 1) and an ABX discrimination task (Experiment 2). We find that only Japanese and Brazilian Portuguese listeners show a perceptual epenthesis effect, and, furthermore, that within these participant groups the nature of the perceived epenthetic vowel varies according to the coarticulation cues. These results are consistent with models that integrate phonotactic probabilities within perceptual categorization, and are problematic for two-step models in which the repair of illegal sequences follows that of categorization. (C) 2010 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
引用
收藏
页码:199 / 210
页数:12
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