The Anaphor Agreement Effect is not about featural deficiency: Evidence from Avar

被引:10
作者
Rudnev, Pavel [1 ]
机构
[1] Natl Res Univ Higher Sch Econ, Moscow, Russia
来源
GLOSSA-A JOURNAL OF GENERAL LINGUISTICS | 2020年 / 5卷 / 01期
基金
俄罗斯科学基金会;
关键词
syntax; morphosyntax; AAE; binding; finiteness; agreement; Avar; ARGUMENT STRUCTURE;
D O I
10.5334/gigl.907
中图分类号
H0 [语言学];
学科分类号
030303 ; 0501 ; 050102 ;
摘要
This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light of novel data from Avar. By demonstrating that Avar anaphors trigger full, non-trivial agreement on the phi-probe, I argue that the Avar data instantiate a genuine exception to the AAE. I then compare two competing analyses of binding and the ME: an account whereby anaphoric dependencies arise via the syntactic operation Agree (Murugesan 2019), and a theory deriving the inability of the anaphors' phi-features to trigger full agreement from the presence of additional structural layers inside the anaphors that render the features inaccessible (Preminger 2019). I claim that the absence of the AAE in Avar is in line with the encapsulation analysis whereas the Agree-based analysis is unsuccessful.
引用
收藏
页数:19
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