Prominence and intonation in Singapore English

被引:0
|
作者
Chong, Adam J. [1 ]
German, James S. [2 ]
机构
[1] Queen Mary Univ London, London, England
[2] Aix Marseille Univ, CNRS, LPL, Aix En Provence, France
关键词
Singapore English; Intonation; Prosodic typology; Lexical stress; Prominence; Edge-marking; Autosegmental Metrical Theory; RHYTHM; PROSODY; STRESS; PHRASE; PERCEPTION;
D O I
10.1016/j.wocn.2023.101240
中图分类号
H0 [语言学];
学科分类号
030303 ; 0501 ; 050102 ;
摘要
Previous work on Singapore English prosody has focused largely on establishing the acoustic correlates of lexical stress and examining where the language falls within a rhythm-class typology. Little attention, however, has been paid to how lexical prominence, if present, interacts with phrasal prominence. In this study, we examine the extent to which f0 realizations vary across lexical items with differing stress patterns, while taking into account that pro-sodic phrasing requirements necessitate an f0 rise to the phrase-final syllable. We show that across target types of varying stress placement, syllable length, and constituency, f0 realizations are highly consistent, involving a rise from the start of the target word or phrase which culminates with a peak on the phrase-final syllable. The location of lexical prominence is the primary influence on the scaling of f0 across the entire target, with stress-initial targets having a higher mean f0. Exploratory analysis of duration and intensity measures further corroborates the prominence-lending nature of the phrase-final syllable, with some evidence for marking of prominence on non -final lexically stressed syllables. The findings support the primarily post-lexical role that f0 plays in marking phrase edges, instead of lexical heads, in Singapore English, in line with a previously proposed AM model of Singapore English intonation. The implications of these findings for the study of prosodic typology and sociolinguistic variation in Singapore English are also discussed.CO 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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页数:23
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